The COVID-19 pandemic is disrupting every aspect of people's lives in an unprecedented manner. While many of its implications, such as confinement-related psychological distress and social distancing measures, affect all of society, different age groups experience these impacts in distinct ways. With the gradual transition of government responses from immediate crisis management to the implementation of recovery measures, several concerns are emerging, such as increasing levels of youth unemployment and the implications of rising debt for issues of intergenerational justice, as well as threats to the well-being of youth and future generations. An inclusive response to and recovery from the crisis requires an integrated approach to public governance that anticipates the impact of response and recovery measures across different age cohorts. “Building better” requires decision makers to acknowledge generational divides and address them decisively in order to leave no one behind. OECD evidence demonstrates that the pandemic has hit vulnerable groups disproportionally and is likely to exacerbate existing inequalities (see e.g. (OECD, 2020[1]), (OECD, 2020[2]) and (OECD, 2020[3])). This paper looks at the impact of the crisis on young people (aged 15-24)1 and across different age cohorts, as well as its implications for intergenerational solidarity and justice. For instance, young women and men already have less income at their disposal compared to previous young generations; they are 2.5 times more likely to be unemployed than people aged 25-64 (OECD, 2018[4]), and less than half of young people (45%) across the OECD countries express trust in government (Gallup, 2019[5]). Intersecting identity factors, such as sex, gender, race, ethnicity, and intellectual or physical disability, and socio-economic disadvantage may exacerbate the vulnerability of young people (e.g. homeless youth, young people not in employment, education or training (NEETs), young migrants). Governments must therefore seek to anticipate the impact of mitigation and recovery measures both within and across different age cohorts to avoid widening inequalities. Economic and health impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic have been asymmetric across age groups. Current evidence suggests that young people are less at-risk in terms of developing severe physical health symptoms linked to COVID-19 than older age cohorts (WHO, 2020[6]). However, the disruption in their access to education and employment opportunities as a result of economic downturn is likely to put the young generation on a much more volatile trajectory in finding and maintaining quality jobs and income2. The 2007-2008 financial crisis already left youth shouldering a significant share of the social and economic consequences as the number of youth not in employment, education or training (NEET) rose to 18% and the number of unemployed young people increased by 20%, leaving one in eight young people (aged 18-25) in poverty (OECD, 2019[7]).3 Being unemployed at a young age can have long-lasting “scarring effects”4 in terms of career paths and future earnings. Young people with a history of unemployment face fewer career development opportunities, lower wage levels, poorer prospects for better jobs, and ultimately lower pensions (OECD, 2016[8]). The economic effects of the pandemic risk aggravating the existing vulnerability of young people in labour markets, as they are more likely to work in non-standard employment, such as temporary or part-time work, facing a higher risk of job and income loss (OECD, 2019[9]). Young people also have limited financial assets, which puts those living in economically vulnerable households at an increased risk of falling below the poverty line within 3 months, should their income suddenly stop or decline (OECD, 2020[3]). These economic effects are likely to affect youth in various ways ranging from their access to housing to paying back school loans. The disruptive nature of the COVID-19 pandemic puts the ability of governments to act decisively and effectively under the public spotlight. Difficult trade-offs concern the balancing of public health and economic considerations at the present time, and the allocation of large-scale economic stimulus packages across different sectors and beneficiaries. In the context of ageing populations, considerations about intergenerational solidarity and justice have been permeating debates on social, fiscal and environmental policy in different policy areas long before the pandemic struck. These considerations are likely to gain further traction, as the repercussions unfold over the coming months and years. Making different voices in society heard, both younger and older, is critical to delivering a more inclusive response. For example, several OECD countries, including Estonia, Germany, Poland and Switzerland, have launched e-participation initiatives to engage citizens in the COVID-19 response and recovery efforts, while Italy established a multi-stakeholder task force to address the spread of disinformation linked to the pandemic (DW, 2020[10]) (E-Estonia, 2020[11]) (Polandin, 2020[12]). Some of these initiatives used open government data to inform, engage and innovate in collaboration with citizens (OECD, 2020[13]). Involving youth stakeholders from diverse backgrounds can rebuild trust, generate their interest in politics and integrate long-term considerations in crisis response and recovery strategies. This policy brief draws on OECD’s work on youth empowerment and intergenerational justice mandated by the OECD Public Governance Committee and Regulatory Policy Committee and the findings of the OECD Global Report on Youth Empowerment and Intergenerational Justice (OECD, 2020[14]). It presents the results from an online survey run by the OECD between 7-20 April 2020 with the participation of 90 youth-led organisations from 48 countries (see Annex 1.A). The policy brief is structured in three sections:
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[67] Y7 Representatives (2020), “Young delegates Y7 2020 Summit website”, https://www.ypfp.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Y7-COVID-Communique-FINAL-4.23.20.pdf. This policy paper draws on the results from an online survey run by the OECD between 7-20 April 2020 with the participation of 90 youth-led organisations from 48 countries. The assessment surveyed respondents about the disruptions of COVID-19 to youth’s access to education, employment, mental health, and participation in public life among others. The assessment also enquired about their long-term worries as well as changes in their trust in government since the outbreak of the crisis and the reasons underlying such changes. Finally, responding youth organisations were asked about the type (and description) of the initiatives they put in place to mitigate the impact of the crisis. The survey designed for this purpose is presented below. It was disseminated via networks of youth-led organisations, youth policymakers, and delegates to the Public Governance Committee of the OECD. While the survey does not represent jurisdictions or stakeholder groups, its goal was to include the perspective of a diverse group of youth-led organisations operating at the international, national and local level. The survey respondents do not constitute a representative sample statistically speaking and the analysis does not investigate respondents’ self-selection biases, hence making statistical inference not possible. Respondents were asked to provide information that served to characterise their organisation and the country their responses referred to (if not internationally-based organisations). They were also asked to provide a link to the website of their organisation. All questions on substance as well as on respondent information were compulsory. Only those responses that included a valid URL/website presenting the work of a youth organisation were included in the final analysis.
1. For the purpose of this report, “youth” is defined as a period towards adulthood which is characterised by various transitions in one person’s life (e.g. from education to higher education and employment; from the parental home to renting an own apartment, etc.). Where possible, for statistical consistency, the report employs the United Nations' classification of "youth" as individuals aged 15-24. 3. Data is compared between 2007 and 2014. 4. Contributory factors in the “scarring effect” are human capital depreciation and the loss of professional networks during out-of-work periods. Employers might also see early periods of unemployment as a sign that a young person is less productive or motivated. Scarring might even negatively impact young people’s preference for work (Heckman and Borjas, 1980; Ellwood, 1982) 5. OECD Survey on COVID-19 and Youth (2020) 6. Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, South Africa, South Korea, the U.K. and the U.S 7. The original letter was published on 9 April and signed by government representatives of Austria, Denmark, Finland, Italy, Latvia, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain and Sweden. France, Germany and Greece joined in the following two days. Most recently, Ireland, Slovakia, Slovenia and Malta joined the appeal. 8. The “Green Recovery Alliance” was launched on 14 April at the initiative of Pascal Canfin, chair of the European Parliament’s committee on environment and public health. Members of the European Parliament from across the political spectrum, companies’ CEOs, business associations, the European trade union confederation, NGOs and think tanks have joined the alliance. 9. Independent fiscal institutions exist in a majority of OECD countries. “Independent fiscal institutions (commonly referred to as fiscal councils) are publicly funded, independent bodies under the statutory authority of the executive or the legislature which provide non-partisan oversight and analysis of, and in some cases advice on, fiscal policy and performance.” |
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